“I Wandered Lonely as a Cloud” by William Wordsworth Essay

For my second test I choose the poem â€Å"I Wandered Lonely as a Cloud† by William Wordsworth because I like the imagery in it of the dancing daffodils. After reading the poem many times I had realized that most of this imagery is produced by the many metaphors and similes. In the first line, Wordsworth says â€Å"I wandered lonely as a cloud.† This is a simile comparing the wondering of a man to a cloud drifting through the sky. I think that the wandering cloud is lonely because there is nothing else that high in the sky besides it. It can pass by unnoticed, touching nothing. Also, the image of a cloud brings to mind a carefree sort of wandering. The cloud is not bound by any barriers and can go wherever the impulse of the wind might take it. The next line of poem says â€Å"I saw a crowd, a host, of golden daffodils.† Here Wordsworth is using a metaphor to compare the daffodils to a crowd of people and a host of angels. The word crowd brings to mind an image of the daffodils grouped together and being amongst one another. The word host makes them seem like their golden petals are shimmering like golden halos on angels. It is interesting to note that daffodils do have a circular rim of petals in the middle that could look like a halo. Later in the poem Wordsworth uses another simile, saying the dancing of daffodils in the wind is â€Å"continuous as the stars that shine and twinkle on the Milky Way.† This line creates the image of the wind blowing the tops of random daffodils up and down in a haphazard matter, so they appear to twinkle momentarily as their faces catch the sun. This goes along with the next metaphor of the daffodils â€Å"tossing their heads in sprightly dance.† It is also interesting how the first image of the wandering cloud contrasts sharply with the second image of the dancing daffodils. The cloud drifts in solitude slowly and placidly across the sky, whereas the daffodils hurry to and from in a lively way. This contrast seems to show that looking at the daffodils made the author feel better than he did before and that they in fact helped cheered him up. This idea is supported by the last line of poem, where he says his heart â€Å"with pleasure fills, and dances with the daffodils† suggesting that’s how he feels whenever he thinks of the daffodils. The speaker says that, wandering like a cloud floating above hills and valleys, he encountered a field of daffodils beside a lake. The dancing, fluttering flowers stretched endlessly along the shore, and though the waves of the lake danced beside the flowers, the daffodils outdid the water in glee. The speaker says that a poet could not help but be happy in such a joyful company of flowers. He says that he stared and stared, but did not realize what wealth the scene would bring him. For now, whenever he feels â€Å"vacant† the memory flashes upon â€Å"that inward eye. That is the bliss of loneliness,† and his heart fills with pleasure, â€Å"and dances with the daffodils.† This simple poem revisits the familiar subjects of nature and memory, this time with a particularly musical expressiveness. The plot is extremely simple, that shows the poet’s wandering and his discovery of a field of daffodils by a lake, the memory of which pleases him and comforts him when he is lonely, bored, or restless. The speaker is metaphorically compared to a natural object, a cloud and the daffodils are continually personified as human beings, dancing and â€Å"tossing their heads† in â€Å"a crowd.† The four six-line stanzas of this poem follow a quatrain couplet rhyme scheme ABABCC. Each line is metered in iambic tetrameter. This poem had great use of imagery which correlated and was shown by using similes and metaphors. The imagery Wordsworth uses is very influential, and made me feel as though I to was there to see the breathtaking sight of the daffodils. In conclusion I really liked this poem. The poems we had read before were not this rhythmic and pleasant to the ear. This poem sounded to me like a song. Overall this poem is very peaceful and gives off a feeling of tranquility. It is about a man confronting external nature and how with his imagination it can fulfill him. His creativity seems to be encouraged by the nature around him. I believe that the main theme of this poem was nature and the tone used was serious. The occasion was him remembering the sight of nature the daffodils and the â€Å"lonely cloud.† He is in a way showing us how he likes to reflect on nature and use it as an inspiration.

Crime against Humanity Essay

In the history of International laws, the foundation of the term â€Å"crime against humanity† can be said to be weak. The concept of the term has also been changing overtime. The term has also been interpreted differently through generations. The confusions and the unresolved principle of the crime were burdened by its features common to war crimes. Aside from that, traditional laws were controlling and perceived as the most applicable law during war times. However, through the development of war, crime against humanity has finally been clarified through the several laws adopted and cases decided during the period of wars. Hence this paper will present crimes against humanity, its origin, elements, and its development. Body The term â€Å"crime against humanity† was created as a result of the mass killings perpetrated against Armenian in 1915. The massive killings in the Ottoman Empire were strongly condemned by the governments of Russia, British, and France by branding the acts as â€Å"crime against Christianity† (Cassese, 67). However, such term was perceived to be discriminatory as it implies excluding Muslim. Eventually, the term â€Å"crime against humanity†, which was suggested by French Minister Delcasse was adopted (Cassese, 67). However, the problem with the term was its implication as it does not specify clearly the meaning humanity, if it refers to human being or to the philosophical concept of humanity. Eventually, an international tribunal was established primarily to hear and try offences in violation of the laws of humanity. Crime against humanity was, however, confused with war crimes under the customary laws because of several similarities. Some of the common features include odious offences constituting as a serious attack on human dignity or â€Å"grave humiliation of one or more human beings† (Cassese, 64). In addition, the events of killing were systematic or sporadic. More importantly, such acts should be punished even if perpetrated in time of peace (Cassese, 64). Furthermore, the victims should be civilians and does not necessarily include military men. Despite the initiative to punish crimes which are perceived as inhumane, many still committed barbaric acts and acts that are strictly prohibited by the traditional international law for political and racial reasons (Cassese, 68). As a result, the 1945 London Agreement, embodying the International Military Tribunal Charter, strengthened the campaign against commission of crimes against humanity (Cassese, 69). Interestingly, elements of the crime against humanity were established. The subjective elements of the crime include murder, extermination, enslavement, deportation or forcible transfer or population, imprisonment, torture, sexual violence, persecution, enforced disappearance of person and other inhuman acts of similar character and gravity. Meanwhile, persecution is defined as â€Å"gross or blatant denial, on discriminatory grounds, of a fundamental right, laid down in international customary or treaty law, reaching the same level of gravity as the other prohibited acts† (Cassese, 80). Crime against humanity has also subjective elements which are necessary to be established in order to make the perpetrator liable. The first element is intent which refers to the perpetrator’s intention of committing such act. Second element is the perpetrator’s awareness of the serious consequences of his acts (Cassese, 81). Third element is the agent’s awareness of the relationship between his misconduct and a policy or systematic practice (Cassese, 81). Last element is that the perpetrator must possess a racist or inhuman mind. Underlying these elements is mens rea which is the intent and awareness of the inhuman act and its consequences in a broader context (Cassese, 82). Furthermore, the intent must be criminal, specifically discriminating, harassing or causing the victim or a religious, political or cultural group to suffer serious injury. Notably, an individual acting in his own private capacity may commit crime against humanity. However, it is necessary that the act has been done in unison or is supported by a general state policy (Cassese, 83). The crime can also be perpetrated by state officials in their own private capacity but should be supported by an â€Å"explicit or implicit approval or endorsement by state or governmental authorities† (Cassese, 83). On the other hand, victims are traditionally civilians. Meanwhile, civilian refers to â€Å"persons other than lawful combatants, whether or not such person were civilians fighting alongside enemy military forces† (Cassese, 86). However, through development, military men were also considered as victims of the crimes against humanity. It is also noteworthy 1949 Geneva Convention included unarmed military combatant due to injury or imprisonment under the concept of victim of crimes against humanity (Cassese, 90). Furthermore, the inclusion of the military combatant as victims is applicable even during time of peace. The reason behind it is because military combatant are merely protected by the international laws of warfare but are not protected from the abuses acts from individuals or state authorities. Hence, the protection afforded by the law on crime against humanity should extend to civilians, including military combatants and even in time of peace. Additionally, through the adoption of international treaties protecting human rights and prohibiting crimes that amount to violation of rights. Through the laws adopted by the United Nations, crimes such as torture, apartheid, and genocide, has already been proscribed and made strictly punishable. With regard to element of mens rea, crimes against humanity must be coupled with knowledge of the attack and that it must be part of the widespread attack on civilian population (Cassese, 93). As to the requisite of attack, customary law requires that an attack against civilian should be promoted actively by the state. But under the new law, the requisite has been narrowed down because an attack that has been condoned or tolerated by the state does not automatically become an attack amounting to crimes against humanity. The attack should also involve multiple commissions. Interestingly, the concept of persecution has also been narrowed by the new law. Under the new law, persecution will only fall as a crime against humanity if such would result in the egregiously violate the basic human right, part of widespread or systematic practice, and if discriminatory intent is involved. It can be observed that several drastic changes had been made in the crimes against humanity. Conclusion The historical development of crimes against humanity shows that the term has been established on a weak foundation. Apart from that, the purpose of the term was merely to define the mass killings committed by the Ottoman Turks against Armenia. The statement was originally use for the purpose of defining such crime. But then, changing â€Å"Christianity† into â€Å"Humanity† has complicated several international laws. However, through the weak foundation of the â€Å"crime against humanity† a stronger law to proscribe inhuman, illegal, and lawless actions by private individuals and government authorities has been established. It is also noteworthy that in order for an act to fall as a crime against humanity, several essential elements. It noteworthy that despite customary laws governing the acts of states and people during wartime, the massive killings were not prevented. However, it is also worth noting that the Allies were vigilant enough to act on the abuses committed, especially by Germans. Today, the historical background of crime against humanity and its principle itself has been serving relevant role in the international law. Work cited Cassese, Antonio. International Criminal Law. London: Oxford University Press, 2003.

Mecca Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Mecca - Essay Example As the second most widely practiced religion in the world, hundreds of millions of Muslims have made the hajj to Mecca over the decades and centuries. IN addition to the pilgrimage that has thus far been described, there are many Islamic rituals that are associated with Mecca as well. First among these is the act of circling the Ka’ba seven times and kissing its cornerstone. Further, there is a ritual stoning of the devil that takes place during the pilgrimage as well. Finally, almost each and every Muslim that goes to Mecca drinks from the well of Zamzam; a well believed to have mystical properties. Finally, most pilgrims travel to Arafat; a small hill on which Muhammad is believed to have delivered his final sermon to his followers. Instead of representing rituals only, Mecca is meant to be a place in which Muslims draw upon their traditions and come to a greater and more profound determination of what sets them apart as a unique religious entity. In much the same way that Christians might travel to the Holy Land or to Rome, Muslims consider their pilgrimage to Mecca as a defining element of their faith (Amur 11). Yet, beyond merely religious significance, Mecca is a place in which Muslim families represent a level of solidarity together. Naturally, there are cases in which single individuals attend Mecca and the Hajj; however, the broad and overarching theme is for entire families to go there together. Although children are welcomed, it is traditionally observed that boys and girls attending their first Hajj should be at least in their early teens; not only so that they will remember it but so that it may have a lasting level of religious symbolism and importance to them. Further, the orientation of the city itself is very much fixated with the issues that have already been discussed. The entire city is positioned around tourism and the need to accommodate millions of individuals from around the globe and

Healthcare Job Opportunities and Career Trends Research Paper

Healthcare Job Opportunities and Career Trends - Research Paper Example Personal Life vs. Professional Life Today’s employees are appreciating the value of free time. This trend will not auger well with the job description of many health care practitioners in the coming decade. This is based on the fact that many physicians and nurses work for many hours under quite stressful conditions. Monetary compensation is hereby taking the back seat while concern over labor hours takes precedence. There is a growing need for employees to strike a balance between personal life and work. Labor hours are decreasing as time goes by and this trend will accelerate over the next 10 years. There is also the willingness for people to take up jobs that involve a lot of travelling and adventure than routine practice. It is essential to appreciate that today’s employees are self driven and wish to have as much freedom and autonomy as possible which is not the case in the health care professions which are plagued by bureaucracy and routine (Nevidjon and Erickson, 2001). With autonomy one is able to express their views freely thereby offering more loyalty to work than the employer. Abuse towards Healthcare Professionals When considering the nursing profession, a lot of risks are associated with it. Hospitals are visited by many people some of whom their intensions are not known. Abuse of nurses and physicians has been on the rise over the past decade where they are insulted, spit on, punched and kicked by either patients or their relatives or visiting friends. Aggression and derogatory tone towards these professionals also form principal forms of emotional abuse. Studies over the past decade reveal that rise in these cases has much to do with lenient laws surrounding abuse of health care professionals in their line of duty. Health Care Legislation The... It is stated that human resource managers are facing one of the worst times in their management history today as they are forced to downsize so as to keep organizations afloat. Health care institutions are in dire shortage of nurses and physicians. This understaffing has resulted into the few available workers operating for long hours thereby becoming susceptible to making grave errors. However, some reprieve has dawned on the employment prospects in this sector considering the 2010 health care legislation. There is also the issue of declining morale among the staff coupled with stressful working conditions and ever diminishing incentives. It is with this realization that this part of the paper will analyze these trends well into the next decade. Staffing shortage is earmarked as one of the principal challenges that will face health care in the next 10 years. Nursing profession, for example, is widely a preserve for women. The employment trends indicate that women are now liberal and many opportunities are open for them to exploit e.g. engineering, accounting, self employment and many more. Low pay and prestige, harassment and abuse coupled with poor working conditions will lead to low staff morale thereby exaggerating the shortage situation. For one to secure a job in the nursing profession, some skills, character traits, and qualities are essential. In this paper the researcher presents an analysis of a candidate that attempts to link her personal characteristics with her suitability as a nurse.

Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words - 223

Essay Example Secondly, he also theorizes whether learning should be considered an individual cognitive act or a social cultural one. For this reason, personal characteristics are considered whether a student learns according to his level of understanding or if learning happens more rapidly during socialization. Lastly, Weinstein suggests that two perspectives â€Å"give both sides of a good story† (231). The author used stratified sampling, concentrating on one class and then asking for volunteers for the interview from them. For the survey, he used random sampling, giving questionnaires to all participants from which 56% of them returned the questionnaires. From the 18 respondents to the survey, the author was able to identify two remarkable results namely, homework hours and working together. The questionnaires were designed to examine the number of hours a student worked on math each week, how the hours are distributed between the different kinds of study and how often and how much time they spend studying with fellow students, friends, tutors and others (233). From this, the author was able to gain insight about the students’ attitude toward math. The interview method perhaps gave a better insight to the author in terms of the attitude of students toward math lessons because he was able to ask follow-up questions. The author was able to design a learning strategy for the volunteers, asking them to teach each other and did the interview after the sessions. The follow up questions were often about their failures and successes in learning from each other. Consequently, he was able to determine the relationship between cognitive and sociocultural factors. Lastly, by observing students during class hours, the author was able to take note of some common problems inside the classroom such as the expected interactions between teacher and students. Nevertheless, the author focused on the students, taking note

Murder and Manslaughter Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Murder and Manslaughter - Assignment Example Murders are divided into first and second degree of murder. First-degree murder is when the accused planned and premeditated about the murder. It carries the highest penalties unlike second degree of murder that was not premeditated or planned (Great Britain, 2006). Manslaughter is illegal killing without malice though it disregards human life. Murder can be reduced to manslaughter in two ways. The first one is heat of passion and the second is imperfect defense of oneself or others. In order for a killing to qualify as caused by passion, the accused must have been provoked compelling him to act irrationally with intense emotion. Lastly, the provocation should be force an average person  to act recklessly. Murder can also be reduced to manslaughter if the accused killed to defend himself or another person. In a scenario where the victim posed a threat to another person’s life, and is killed because of the danger he posed, the accused should not be guilty. However, if the victim’s threat could not have injured the other person, the murder is reduced to manslaughter. The accused charged as per the laws of the country (Yeo & University of Sydney,

Government Deficit Spending Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Government Deficit Spending - Research Paper Example Another way of reducing budget deficit is by increasing the number of people under taxation. In the current taxation system, couples earning more than $ 200, 000 per month are exempted from a certain level of taxation. Creating an equal taxation rate in all American citizens may significantly increase the rate at which the government contains revenue. An increase revenue collection will increase the GDP thus minimizing the debts incurred through borrowing. In an argument by Masters collecting enough tax from the citizens may reduce unsure the budget value is not exceeded. Additionally, the author points out that this may also increase government earning significantly even creating a surplus in the proposed budget. The congress also proposed creation of budget policies that may prevent the government from over spending from the budget proposed amount. Â  Over the years, the government has surpassed on expenditure amount as specified in the national budget. For this reason, the amount of debt has increased. However, the proposed budget policies may only be possible if the budget is made flexible and large enough to cater for emergencies and all the requirements over the annual calendar. Â   The white house and the congress disagree on the proposed changes considering the fact that the white house may be affected from the proposed expenditure cuts. However, the white house understands the need to reduce government expenditure. The proposed expenditure and revenue policies require the contribution by both parties.

DLA Piper Business Case Study Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

DLA Piper Business - Case Study Example Miller respectively. Moreover, in the international who’s who of business lawyers legal awards, Edward J Levin, Elliot M Surkin, Charles l Edwards, Robert H Goldman and David Glickstein are among those who happened to be recognized internationally. There is a plethora of competitively experienced individuals and a truthful national mode of networking. Over the past year, the exceptional large team has been preoccupied with a varied range of contentious issues as work related fatalities and explosions (Lorsch & Chernak, 2006). In addition, the company is also expanding to the non-contentious issues as giving sufficient advice to companies on compliance related matters. For instance, Paul Burnley, client focused, has a good reputation in health and safety cases and many clients profess satisfaction with his service. The company has a customer approach to offering its services. In legal advice, a majority of the client are informed in the language they can best comprehend for sat isfaction and an emphasis and unlimited synthesis to matter pertaining to the law. To the court cases, proper documented evidence is given with prior filing of documents at the clerks’ offices. ... The competent lawyers who come to the root the law undertake detailed case proceedings. In addition, the company was the second largest supporter of president Barrack Obama re-election campaign (Lorsch & Chernak, 2006). This is to unveil the loopholes that may not have been underscored in the search for justice. There are opportunities to thrive into new countries and give legal advice, to absorb new graduates in the bar into the firm and also expand the scope of operations of the company to other areas in law. The challenges that abound the firm are: to start with is the navigation into a multi jurisdictional environment. This is where legal suits happen in a country albeit the lawyers do not understand the jurisdictional customs, or a transfer of suit to other jurisdictions. Secondly, the process of mastering the European market for competent arbitrage opportunities turns out to be a drawback to the firm. Thirdly, the company is trying to make prior up to date preparations for cons olidation and ensure there is greater competition to competitors. Consequently, less complex legal services should be offered to clients and DLA piper is obliged to be customer- focused. The long-term leadership of the firm is also a challenge that needs to be addressed. It is prudent a decision to address the challenges faced by the company so as to come up with better management methods of legal entities. In the event, better services and organizations will come up. In the Adler and Gunderson case, the company should be well able to transcend the national boundaries and impart new knowledge to others. An example of the company is that it should traverse other boundaries to establish new operations there. In the event, it will become a

How would a change in the executive-legislative relationship in Research Paper

How would a change in the executive-legislative relationship in Honduras have an outcome of more democratic stability in the cou - Research Paper Example As a function of discussing and analyzing the case of Honduras, the following analysis will be concentric upon the manner in which a change in the legislative – executive relationship that exists within Honduras would ultimately be beneficial to the democratic stability of the nation. As a function of this particular piece of analysis and research, it is the hope of this author that the reader will gain a more informed and nuanced understanding with respect to the way in which this unicameral and executive led structure of government works, the means through which abuse ultimately exists, and a key prescription for growth and change that could be engaged as a means of ameliorating these issues. Rather than coming to the understanding of the fact that anyone nations democratic system is invariably better than another’s, the analysis will strictly focus upon known and measurable shortcomings that exist and means through which these shortcomings can be addressed in order t o promote efficiency, utility, equity, and fairness within the nation of Honduras. Like many nations throughout Central America, Honduras exhibit a surprising lack of diversity. For instance, the broad majority of Hondurans, approximately 90%, can be described as mestizos (a mixture between natives and European background). The remaining 10% of the population is split between indigenous peoples, Amerindians – comprising 7% of the total population, black Africans, comprising 2% of the total population, and whites – comprising 1% of the population.1 Accordingly, this relative lack of diversity creates a situation in which the minority needs of key individuals throughout society are likely brushed aside within a democratically elected government; due to the fact that these diverse stakeholders are not able to have a powerful enough voice within the nation’s unicameral legislature in order to promote the rights and interests that they deem most important. Historical ly speaking, Honduras has had, as with so many Central American nations, something of a rugged past.2 From the late 1960s until the early 1980s, a military junta held complete and total control over the internal and external affairs that this small nation exhibited. Ultimately, this junta was propped up and supported by the United States due to his the opposition to any communism or Marxist ideology within the nation of Honduras. The overall level of importance that this rugged past has had upon the development and governmental structure of Honduras is profound. The underlying reason for this has to do with the fact that individuals within Honduras have come to experience something of a shared history in which a powerful and dynamic government has defined and structured the way in which life, business, and politics have taken place. Such a collective understanding of governance is perhaps one of the causal and most definitive stumbling blocks in seeking to engender a further level o f Democratic change and representation of the people within Honduras. As described briefly within the introduction of this analysis, the current executive – legislative institution relationship in Honduras is one that places an undue level of control within the hands of a single individual; namely the president.3 Even though it is true that the president of Honduras is a democratically

Historical Communications Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Historical Communications - Essay Example The rebus principle is one of the several principal types of pictographs that laid the foundation for the development of modern syllabaries. The rebus principle turns the sound into a symbol which then becomes part of more complex linguistic structures (Ong 86). At the level of rebus writing, â€Å"the symbol represents primarily a sound, and a rebus is a kind of phonogram† (Ong 86). As a result, the rebus principle shaped the basis for the creation of modern alphabetic systems by enabling individuals and societies to use pictures/symbols that signified particular sounds. A combination of those sounds would be used by those societies to describe complex notions. For example, the English word Milwaukee can be written down as a combination of the mill, walk, and key symbols (mill-walk-key) (Ong 86). This is one of the easiest examples of how the rebus principle works. Apparently, the rebus principle drove the subsequent systematization of sounds and their common representation i n written languages. With the help of the rebus principle a symbol denoting a particular concept could also be used in homonyms (WALS). The rebus principle facilitated the development and use of symbols denoting abstract notions, and gradually transformed into systemic and recognizable phonetic signs (WALS). The rebus principle was extremely common in the earliest Chinese writing, and today the Chinese and Japanese languages continue to rely on hybrid phonetic and syllabic structures. Simply stated, the symbols and pictograms used to denote complex notions gradually became a common pattern of representing those notions in writing. With time, the symbols and pictograms turned into phonetic signs to be used systematically in a particular writing language. The importance of the rebus principle for intercultural communications and understanding should not be disregarded. Better understanding across languages and language systems is one of the major benefits of the rebus system. For exam ple, persons speaking different dialects and being unable to understand each other can use the rebus principle to denote complex meanings through sounds (Ong 87). The rebus principle is of particular importance for the Asian languages, especially Chinese, since the Chinese characters are represented by exquisitely stylized pictures (Ong 87). Better understanding among different language groups can also drive the development of new symbolic systems: by using the rebus principle to understand each other; different language carriers can borrow the most convenient symbols and characters from a different language or dialect. Calling the alphabet â€Å"alphabet†: far-reaching linguistic implications The word â€Å"alphabet† signifies the starting point in the development of the basic and advanced language skills. Actually, every language is believed to start with an alphabet. In reality, however, the presence of an alphabet is the sign of language development and advancement . It is the result of numerous transformations and an important feature of contemporary language systems. Even the term â€Å"alphabet† has far-reaching implications for understanding its essence. By calling the alphabet â€Å"alphabet† (or alpha-beta), it is automatically implied that the alphabet reduces sounds to spatial equivalents and more analytic, manageable units (Ong 90). As a result, instead of having a

Political Economy Essay Example for Free

Political Economy Essay Approaches to study of Politics Falls under Political Science We’re made to do the impossible Summary 1 paragraph will do. Provide the insight -Data -Theory used -approach used use other references to prove your point 3 x 5 Surname all caps first name email address mobile number On approach deals with different meaning of politics Political Science What is Politics its scope ? Banned words Politics is dirt Politics is nothing more than a means of rising in the world Samuel Johnson Systematic organization of hatred Henry Adams Art of governing mankind by deceiving them. BASIS of POLITICS Intellect and Will Man Capable of Thinking Politics as a rational activity Man has the capacity to think and realize his wants, needs and interest which are potentially in conflict with others’ wants, needs, and interests. Man cannot survive on its own. He needs someone else Politics as a social activity 2 or more persons Politics as a social activity 2 or more persons Associate with society Politics is concerned with social dynamics. POLITICS AS THE ART OF GOVt What concerns the state Study of government and exercise of authority Authoritative allocation of social values Framework Definition does not provide David Easton Authoritative binding to all Allocation done by the government Social Values anything held important by society budget allocation, privatization, elections Henry Mayo 3 characteristics that separate the political from non-poitical Politics is focused on the governing function through which are: Limitation on Easton on Mayo’s concept of Politics POLITICS DOES NOT ONLY HAPPEN IN THE GOVERNMENT POLTICS AS PUBLIC AFFAIRS State DIFFERENCE OF GOVERNMENT AND PUBLIC AFFAIRS PUBLIC PRIVATE State Civil Society Institutions of the State ( apparatus of government, infrastructure, economy, taxes Autonomous bodies (family, kinship groups, private businesses, trade unions Funded at the public’s Expense Set up and funded by individual citizens Responsible for the collective organization of community life Responsible for the satisfaction of own interests rather than the interest of the larger society. Private with this definition EX: RH Bill It should not be affair of the government. Public Sphere vs Private Sphere Restricted to the acitivites of the state itself and the responsibilities that are properly exercised by public bodies Politics should not meddle on personal affairs and institutions POLITICS AS COMPROMISE CONSESUS A daily activity in which differing interests within a given unity of rule are conciliated by giving them a share in power in proportion to their role in the welfare and the survival of the community Bernard Crick Everything will just be fine – for no matter big or small the dispute is, at the end of the day we will just arrive in a compromise. Assumption: Conflict is inevitable Resolving conflict through compromise conciliation and negotiation, rather than violence and coercion. Not limited to government POLITICS IS INEVITABLE LINKED TO THE PHENOMENA OF CONFLICT COOPERATION Politics as master science Why Make use other things to make things in order. Existence of rival opinions- conflict People recognize that they have to work with others cooperation Hannah Arendt- Acting in Concert Otto Von Bismarck- Politics is the art of the possible. POWER AS POWER DISTRIBUTION OF RESOURCES What is power? X has power over Y insofar as Robert Dahl X is able, in one way or another, to get Y to do something That is more to X’s liking And which Y would not otherwise have done. Faces of Power As decision-making – you shape there decisions As agenda setting – You are preventing the person to make a decision As thought control- You are imposing your preference in an indirect or subtle way. Definition of Politics through POWER and allocation of resources FIND THE FOLLOWING QUOTES OF FAMOUS SCIENTISTS Adrian Leftwich- Politics is at the heart of all collective social activity, formal and informal, public and private, in all human groups, institutions and societies. Harold Lasswell Politics is, in essence power: the ability to achieve a desired outcome, through whatever means. Kate Millett â€Å"Politics is a power-structured relationships, arrangements whereby one group of persons is controlled by another. â€Å"POLITICS†- as the constrained use of social power. Robert Goodin Hans- Dieter Klingemann Constrained because there are already laws establish. Politics takes place in all social activities; politics happen at every level of social interaction Politics concern production, distribution and use of resources in the course of social existence. -Ability to achieve a desired outcome, through whatever means . Approaches to the study of Politics Ontology- the nature of being Epistemology -How do you know what we know? Theoretical – concept idea Empirical- Evidence, observation History- both theory and experience Methodology How do we exactly know what we know

Operation Barbarossa Essay Example for Free

Operation Barbarossa Essay Operation Barbarossa, the code name given to Hitler’s invasion of the Soviet Union in 1941, would come to be considered one of Nazi Germany’s greatest follies in the Second World War, and would play a monumental role in bringing an end to Hitler’s regime just a few years later. Though the operation itself lasted less than six months it resulted in four years of harsh fighting on the Eastern Front, marked by an enormous casualty toll for both the Russians and the Germans and countless battles fought in the cruel conditions of Russian winter. All of this despite the fact that both countries had engaged in a mutual non-aggression pack two short years earlier. In 1939 Germany and the Soviet Union signed the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, a series of agreements regarding how both countries would split the territory separating them and share the resources therein. Signing of the pact created strong political and economic ties between the two nations, at least on the surface. Historians, however, argue that the pact was doomed to fail long before it was even signed, as Hitler had long harbored a disgust for the Soviet Union’s Slavic peoples, which he viewed as sub-human. Couple this racial prejudice with the extremely different political ideologies governing both countries and it becomes clear that the relationship between Germany and the Soviet Union was merely one of temporary convenience. Despite the volatile nature of the German-Soviet relationship, it still struck many as incomprehensible why Hitler should choose to invade Russia in 1941, with war already raging in the west. One can only judge that Hitler, in a misplaced display of ego, believed the west to already be won, with France effectively crushed and England standing as the only viable opponent on that front, struggling hopelessly to maintain a foothold on the European mainland. Believing the western front was theirs, Germany sought to expand her influence and complete her domination of Europe by conquering the resource-rich eastern countries- including the powerhouse of the Soviet Union. Preparations for the invasion began in April of ’41, as Germany began to secretly amass troops on her eastern borders. The plan involved a three-pronged Blitzkreig attack that would simultaneously strike northern Russia with the object of taking Leningrad, while a second group struck toward Moscow and a third took a southern route through the Ukraine. By doing this, Hitler believed that the Russians would be caught completely off guard and would be unable to mount an effective defense in so many places at once. Hitler’s plan, however, contained a number of fatal flaws. Firstly, he greatly underestimated the numbers and strength of the Soviet military, which had effectively doubled its number of troops, artillery pieces and aircraft since the outbreak of war in western Europe. Though not all of this strength was situated in the western part of Russia, where Hitler planned to strike, significant advances had also been made in Soviet infrastructure (most significantly, their railroad system) such as allowed for more efficient movement of troops and supplies, and therefore faster mobilization. Also, the German superiority in armor, which had served them so well in their western blitzkrieg was lost to them here- Soviet tanks, though less technologically advanced at this point in the war, actually outnumbered German tanks approximately four-to-one. The one advantage inarguably held by the Germans was troop quality. The German army was well trained, well equipped and led by experienced and educated officers. The Soviet army, in contrast, were untested by battle and overwhelming led by incompetent officers, many of whom had been given their commissions in exchange for political favors. The vast majority of Soviet officers had less than one year of experience, as many of the older and more experienced commanders had been executed or imprisoned during Stalin’s â€Å"Great Purge† between 1936 and 1938. When Operation Barbarossa began in the pre-dawn hours of June 22nd, 1941, Germany initially made fantastic gains. Approximately three million German soldiers, supported by armor and the Luftwaffe swarmed across the border, advancing more than 200 miles in the next 5 days. The only solid resistance they were met with in the first few days of the attack came in the south, where Soviet commanders reacted quickly and were able to organize an effective defense. The central and northern arms of the German advance, however, met little resistance and charged ahead at full speed- a factor that would later return to haunt them. Armored divisions of the German army actually advanced too quickly, putting them well ahead of the infantry divisions meant to support them. This forced Hitler to call the Panzer divisions to a halt for nearly a week to allow their accompanying infantry troops time to catch up- a week that was used by the Soviets to amass troops ahead of the German advance and fortify target cities such as Stalingrad. By the time the order was given to resume the advance, heavy rainstorms struck which greatly slowed the progress of German tanks attempting to slog down muddy roads. With their advance slowed and the element of surprise expired, the Germans faced ever-strengthening resistance from the Soviet army. In a decision that would prove disastrous, Hitler ordered the central arm of the attack to call-off its march for Moscow and redeploy to the north and south, strengthening the other two prongs of the invasion in hopes of quickly capturing the rich oil fields in the south and the Soviet stronghold of Leningrad in the north. This had mixed results, as the southern wing of the attack was eventually successful in capturing Kiev, and with it an approximate 600,000 Soviet troops, but the advance in the north stalled as heavy resistance was met in Leningrad. The southern wing, after completing its advance through the Ukraine, resumed the march toward Moscow, ultimately coming within 15 miles of the Soviet capital before the Soviets’ greatest ally came to their aid- the harsh Russian winter. As had been the case for Napoleon more than a hundred years earlier, the Russian winter proved disastrous to the unprepared German troops. Expecting a quick victory, the German army had not bothered to supply its men with winter uniforms, and as the snows set in many found themselves facing temperatures well below zero wearing little more than light cotton summer clothing. Frostbite, pneumonia and other side effects of the horrendous cold mercilessly ate away at the German divisions, which were already weakened by months of hard fighting. To make matters worse the cold prevented use of German tanks in many instances, which froze solid in the fields, and high winter winds and snow flurries grounded the Luftwaffe, preventing air support. The Soviets in contrast, well accustomed and prepared for the hardships of winter, took the opportunity to launch a massive counter attack which robbed the Germans of most of their earlier gains, pushing them back over 200 miles and removing the pressure on Moscow. Never again would the Germans make it so deep into Russian territory, though the war continued on and countless more men would die in the years to come. The failure of Operation Barbarossa proved disastrous to Hitler’s Reich, which lost huge numbers of valuable and experienced troops and vast amounts of material that would have proved invaluable to them later in the war. They also awoke the military beast that was Soviet Russia and forced themselves to actively wage war on two fronts, a strain that would eventually prove too much for Germany as Allied efforts redoubled in the west with the entrance of the United States into the conflict.

The Role of Culture in Conflict Resolution

The Role of Culture in Conflict Resolution CASE OF DAGBON IN GHANA The inter-relativity and connectivity of human endeavor has made conflict something unavoidable as it has come to eventually be part of the normal routine of human social interaction. Ethnic conflicts and civil wars continue to plague many African countries especially in the last two decades. There are growing concerns about the impacts of these conflicts on sub-regional and regional stability as well as security, with adverse implications on economic growth, environment and development. The impacts of these conflicts have been severest on the vulnerable groups such as the aged, women and children reversing many development efforts in conflict zones (John Kusimi; Julius Fobil; Raymond Atuguba; Isabella Erawoc; Franklin Oduro Abstract: Conflicts in Northern Ghana a Mirror of Answers to Sub-Regional Stability and Security Questions). Conflict has both a colloquial meaning and a discouragingly long list of specific definitions. The list includes four rather different usages if the term: (1) antecedent conditions to some overt struggle (2) affective states (tension or hostility) (3) cognitive states (for example the perception that some other person or entity acts against ones interest and (4) conflictful behavior, verbal or non verbal ranging from passive resistance to active aggression. According to Wiktionary, conflict is an incompatibility of two things that cannot be simultaneously fulfilled. In simple terms conflict denotes a situation when two or more organizations or persons are in a contradiction between them.. Conflict is more expansive than normally perceived. The conflict is a contradiction, a war, maybe a competition exist but the real conflict condition is more greatest way to express violence, and where this take place and violence take effect, it generate more and more conflicts. Culture (from the Latin cultura stemming from colere, meaning â€Å"to cultivate†) is a term that has different meanings. For example, in 1952, Alfred Kroeber and Clyde Kluckhohn compiled a list of 164 definitions of â€Å"culture† in Culture: a Critical Review of Concepts and Definitions. However, the word â€Å"culture† is most commonly used in three basic senses: Excellence of taste in the fine arts and humanities, also known as high culture An integrated pattern of human knowledge, belief, and behavior that depends upon the capacity for symbolic thought and social learning The set of shared attitudes, values, goals, and practices that characterizes an institution, organization or group (Harper, Douglas (2001). Online Etymology Dictionary and Kroeber, A. L. and C. Kluckhohn, (1952). Culture: A Critical Review of Concepts and Definitions) When the concept first emerged in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Europe, it connoted a process of cultivation or improvement, as in agriculture or horticulture. In the nineteenth century, it came to refer first to the betterment or refinement of the individual, especially through education, and then to the fulfillment of national aspirations or ideals. In the mid-nineteenth century, some scientists used the term â€Å"culture† to refer to a universal human capacity (C. Kluckhohn, (1952). Culture: A Critical Review of Concepts and Definitions) Although largely ignored as being a key element in the generation of conflicts, culture is an essential part of conflict and conflict resolution (LeBaron, Michelle Conflict and Culture: Research in Five Communities in British Columbia, Canada). Culture, mostly acting within the parameters of a toothless bulldog, it permeate all spheres of the normal daily occurrences and it does so in the least expected ways. It serves as collating avenue which sends us messages that shape our perceptions, attributions, judgments, and ideas of self and other. Cultures are powerful, they are often unconscious, influencing conflict and attempts to resolve conflict in imperceptible ways. For the single individual, cultures are a shifting, dynamic set of starting points that orient us in particular way and away from other directions. Each of us belongs to multiple cultures that give us messages about what is normal, appropriate, and expected. When others do not meet our expectations, it is often a cue that our cultural expectations are different and thought or projected as un-respected. We may mistake differences between others and us for evidence of bad faith or lack of common sense on the part of others, not realizing that common sense is not cultural. What is common to one group may seem strange, counter intuitive, or wrong to another. In the dividing circles of two groups, culture projects a huge sense of uniqueness; something most individuals would prefer to die for than to witness it degraded by the opposing group. Whether a conflict exists at all is a cultural question, and by way of mutual illustration and interconnection between culture and conflict; cultures are embedded in almost every conflict because conflicts arise in human relationships. Cultures affect the ways we name, frame, blame, and attempt to tame conflicts. On the contrary, when any of the above is diverted by one cultural group vis-à  -vis the other, conflicts are the emerging consequences. Most people especially in Africa and other parts of the globe take pride in engaging in activities with a cultural sense than advancing the course of the general good. Conflicts between teenagers and parents are shaped by generational culture, and conflicts between spouses or partners are influenced by gender culture. In organizations, conflicts arising from different disciplinary cultures escalate tensions between co-workers, creating strained or inaccurate communication and stressed relationships. Culture permeates conflict no matter wha t, sometimes pushing forth with intensity, other times quietly snaking along, hardly announcing its presence until surprised people nearly stumble on it. For this reason, this essay seeks to reconcile the role of culture in the Dagbon conflict in Northern Ghana and how these same two connections of conflicts are again intertwined for the purposes of conflict and conflict resolution. The challenge is that, given cultures important role in conflicts, it is given little thought and consideration as it mostly labeled in the unconscious circle of human behavior vis-à  -vis conflicts and some approaches cultural resolution to the management and resolution of the conflict compound this problem because they minimize cultural role and influences in the tensed situation. We will consider the Dagbon conflict in and try to fit it within this frame of neglect. This is because the Dagbon conflict although largely considered ethnic has a huge cultural dimension which goes largely unattended to. Culture is always a factor in conflict, whether it plays a central role or influences it subtly and gently. Geographically and historically, Ghana lies between latitudes 50 and 110N and longitudes 10 and 30E with a landmass of 23.9million hectares. Ghanas estimated total population is 19.5 million (GSS, 2002:1), comprising a vast mosaic of several ethnic groups speaking over hundred local languages. Northern Ghana on which this paper focuses is co-terminus with a vast acreage of land that spans the White Volta, Black Volta and Oti River Basins. The area is divided into three political/ administrative regions comprising the Upper West (18,476km2) and the Upper East(8,842km2) regions bordering Burkina Faso in the extreme northern limits of Ghana and the Northern Region (70,384km2) to the south of Upper East and Upper West. Populations in these areas witness deep poverty levels and low literacy rates, with low school enrolment rate and inadequate health care services. Over 90 percent of the population in this area is engaged in subsistence agriculture and animal rearing (GSS, (2002). Populati on and Housing Census 2000: Summary of Final Results). Therefore, land ownership determines to a large extent, the nature of social and power relations among the ethnic groups inhabiting these three regions and has also been a major source of conflicts among them. The three regions harbor inconceivable heterogeneous groups of people speaking over 30 local dialects. The hidden truth is that, most of these heterogeneous groups have historical connections dating back to the sixteenth century. The sociocultural organization of most of these peoples of the northern belt is patrilineal with a strong tradition of centralized administration under the lordship of a powerful king such as the Mossi-Dagbani Kingdoms. In recent national political discussions, the Mossi-Dagbani groups are referred to as the ‘major tribes in Northern Ghana. However, there are also stateless or acephalous groups such as the Konkomba and the Tallensi. Therefore politically and administratively, there are a lot of historical and present day commonalities. This is what causes and infact possesses the bane of shock when it comes to the issue of conflicts and the most effective tools in dealing or handling them. The past 25years have witnessed a number of destructive ethnic conflicts in Northern Ghana. The very explosive ones are those of 1980 (Konkombas against Nanumbas) and the Guinea Fowl War of 1994 (between the Konkombas on one hand and Nanumbas, Dagombas and Gonjas on the other hand) (Brukum J. N. K, The Pito, Mango and Guinea Fowl Wars: Episodes in the History of Northern Ghana, 1980-1999). In 1980/86 and 2000, Mamprusis and Kusasis went to war in Bawku. Dagombas also fought among themselves; these and more are the most recent (and of which this essay critical look) of these intra-Dagbon clashes were those between the Andani and the Abudu Gates in Yendi, in 2002 (Brukum J. N. K, The Pito, Mango and Guinea Fowl Wars: Episodes in the History of Northern Ghana, 1980-1999). There has been much similar communal violence among the Gonjas and other ethnic groups in the Northern Region of Ghana. A critical assessment of the causes of most of these conflicts can be traced to colonial and post-colonial actions of governments. This certainly is no news as the impedes of colonialism is still being felt in Africa today. Certain actions and in-actions of governments have led to the marginalization, deprivation, exploitation and the exclusion of the ‘minority groups in many decision-making processes and governance issues that affect them. This has led to dissatisfaction among the ‘minority, hence any little dispute between the ‘majority and ‘minority explodes into ethnic conflict. With these analysis deduced, let us now try to envisage how the presence of culture among the people in the northern hemisphere of Ghana is contributing to conflicts among the people using the silent pistol. Culture, as already noted, forms the core around which most individuals normalize their relations with others but this relationship does take a different dimension when one gets the slightest hint of foul play in the unique identification of the other individual. This however differs from ethnocentrism, where people openly act and portray the supposedly uniqueness of their traditional origin and heritage over that of others and to some extent cause others to follow their fray. It is important to state unequivocally that culture has a canny way of taking on the characteristics of ethnocentrism but however does with a gradual pace. Due to the heritagecal and ancestral dimension of culture, conflicts resulting from culture and cultural practices do occur undetected for a very long time. Conflict of this nature sometimes begin from a mere proclaim which is interpreted to downgrade or cast the other sides image into disrepute. At times it start with a poorly resolved dispute (in our case the Andani and the Abudu Gates in Yendi) which forces the youths of the opposing party to rise up in arms against their foes after several years of the poorly settled dispute, which obviously one party wasnt satisfied with. When this happens, all possible gates of negotiations are closed due to the lengthy or at times the generational nature it usually takes to emerge in full scale. Recent political events and expression also mean the relaxation in conflict in one side and subsequent uprising in other with political transitions. In other words, the envisioned premise is ignoring the cultural dimension of conflicts by most Ghanaian governments with the impression that Ghana is the most peaceful nation on earth. Similarly, the lay magistrate often without really solving the dispute to any sides satisfaction ended up taking sides. Culture, with the trait of a silent killer largely goes undetected due the stable political climate Ghana is reputed for but the critical thing that most conflict analysts fail to take into consideration is that conflicts of this nature are intra-tribal rather than taking on the general good or in the form of civil wars, which has stalled the core of most African countrys government setup and social development. In exact terms, a cursory look at all historical conflict on the African region reveals tremendous ethnic and religious inclinations, albeit many of them also have subtle causal relationship with land and resource use, which could be a core of protest of one group against the other. The concept of nationhood/statehood is misplaced in many African nation state building contexts. Nations on the African continent, unconsciously motivated by the great diversity of ethnic groups, continue to trivialize national homogeneity and ethnic unification thus allowing for powerful disaggregated ethnic formations. The inevitable tendency of this phenomenon is that, many national policies by governments tend to be ethnocentric and is some unconscious instances cultural, which create suspicion, rivalry, discontent, mistrust and enmity among different ethnic groups or even within the same group of people as is the case in northern Ghana, resulting in ethnic conflicts and civil wars in extreme cases. In the case under discussion, most analysts in conflict prevention turn to focus solely on the tribal or ethnic sentiments forgetting that there cultural influences even on professional judgments vis-à  -vis the heated situation and culture prevent people from giving accurate feedback. Causes of conflict in northern Ghana. The Dagbon chieftaincy dispute is a good example of the passions that chieftaincy issues can inflame in Ghana, and of the extent to which these matters have become politicised. In the Dagbon case, a traditional matter has become the main subject of local politics as well as an issue of national politics. The Dagomba people or Dagbamba as they call themselves, constitute the single largest ethnic group in Northern Ghana. They speak the Dagbani language, a subgroup of the Mole-Dagbani family of languages, which belongs to the much larger Gur with starting the Dagbon migrations from Mali to what is now the Upper East Region of Ghana. Here he married Sihisabigu, the daughter of a Tindana in a place known as Bion, and eventually replaced the Tindana after assassinating him. Kpagunimbu and Sihisabigu had twin sons called Nyamzisheli and Nyarigili, who are believed to be the ancestors of the Talinsi and Nabdam ethnic groups of the Upper East Region. Following his exploits as a warrior, the King of Grumah, Abudu Rahamani married off his daughter, Suhuyini, to Kpagunimbu. Suhuyini gave birth to Gbewaa, two of whose sons Tohugu and Sitobu founded the Mamprugu and Dagbon kingdoms respectively. Sitobus son, Nyagsi, who reigned between 1416 and 1432, expanded the Dagbon kingdom through wars against aboriginal peoples throughout what is now present-day Dagbon. Thus the Dagbamba came to the area they now occupy as conquerors and established the traditional state of Dagbon, bringing with them the institution of chieftaincy, which had not been found among the original inhabitants. The Dagbon capital is Yendi where the King, whose title is Ya Na, resides. The Dagbamba are strongly attached to the institution of chieftaincy, which partly accounts for the intensity with which conflicts over chieftaincy are carried out. Conflicts tend to revolve around questions of succession, since the rules for succession tend to be rather flexible and allow for a number of candidates. Part of the current dispute (known variously as the Dagbon conflict or the Yendi chieftaincy affairs) hinges on whether or not it is a rule of tradition that succession to the throne should alternate between two rival sections of the royal family. These two sections originated in the late nineteenth century, following the death of Ya Na Yakubu who was succeeded first by his son Abudulai and then by another son Andani. Since the death of Andani in 1899, there has been in some measure an alternation between descendants of the two brothers, and the extent to which this rotation constitutes another rule for determining the succession remains unsettled. In addition to the question of rotation between the two families, there is also disagreement over who has the right to select a successor, and over which particular act in the installation ceremony makes one a Ya Na. Formally, the selection of a successor rested in the hands of four kingmakers. In 1948, the membership of the kingmakers was expanded to eleven with the addition of seven divisional chiefs to form a selection committee. The legitimacy of the Committee, which probably represented a final attempt by the British to codify the rules and procedures of succession to the Yendi skin, has been in dispute. In the 1940s, the educated elite of Dagbon most of whom were from its royal families played a major role in the setting up of the controversial selection committee. The institution of the selection committee coincided with the era of active pre-independence politics, and the pioneer-educated elite was poised to exploit the situation. Having a king who was more amenable to their political ambitions was of vital importance to them. By 1954, there were complaints that the committee system was adopted to protect the interest of the Abudulai family and ultimately eliminate the Andani family from the contest (Sibidow, 1970). One major source of conflict in modern times is the tradition that â€Å"you do not destool a Ya Na†. In former times, a Ya Na who proved unacceptable was simply killed. As this is no longer a practical alternative, once installed a Ya Na cannot be destooled even if he is found to have violated customs. Thus Dagbon custom as a whole is ambiguous on this point if not outright contradictory (Ladouceur, 1972). Such an implicit ambiguity facilitates the intervention of an outside power to settle outstanding disagreements as to the correct interpretation of tradition. It also serves not only to foment disputes but also to sustain them. Another source of the Dagbon conflict is intergenerational in nature. Intergenerational conflict arises because of the exclusion from succession of the senior sons of a king by his junior brothers. Conversely, the junior brothers in the older generation could find themselves excluded by the sons of their senior brother. According to Ferguson et al. (1970), the critical nature of exclusion is apparent. By virtue of the Dagbon rule that no son may assume a higher rank in society than his father, a candidates failure to attain office carries with it the implication that none of his descendants may ever aspire to it. Intergenerational conflict appears then to be a structural feature for succession to higher office in Dagbon. There is, however, probably a contingent association between such conflicts and the polarization between rival factions that is also a characteristic feature of the conflict. The candidates from the senior generation may tend to attract the support of the more conser vative factions and those from the junior generation, that of the more radical. The Dagbon conflict gradually spilled over into the national political arena over the years as each side mustered what forces it could with politicians taking an increasing interest in this and other chieftaincy disputes. Each side in the Dagbon dispute has articulate well-educated spokesmen and, since 1954, prominent national political figures as well. It was largely through their activities that the dispute became a political issue shortly after independence. On the Abudu side was Alhaji Yakubu Tali, Tolon Na, while the Andani side had J.H. Alhassan. Both men had become prominent figures in both Dagbon affairs and in the emerging modern political system in the early 1950s. Both were elected to the Gold Coast Legislative Assembly in 1951 and to Parliament in 1954, the former on the opposition regional NPP ticket and the latter to the governing CPP.11 If politicians can make use of their power base in the modern political system to interfere in traditional affairs, some traditional rulers are also quite capable of seizing opportunities presented by national politics to consolidate their own positions. Ya Na Abudulai III, sensing that he might be destooled, withdrew his support for the opposition and together with his followers, including Alhaji Yakubu Tali, joined the then ruling party, the CPP, en bloc in 1958. Political interference in the Dagbon conflict continued with changes in government. The overthrow of the Kwame Nkrumah government in 1966 marked radical changes in official ideology and priorities. In general terms, the policy of the National Liberation Council (NLC), the military regime, in traditional matters was to restore chieftaincy to its former position and reduce government interference. However, chieftaincy affairs took on an added importance in post-coup Ghana and government interference increased instead of dimi nishing. In the case of the Yendi dispute, government interference was taken to new heights when in September 1969, the selection and enskinment of Ya Na Andani III was declared null and void by the NLC government. It was felt that a factor in this decision that had objectively benefited the Abudulai family was the presence of B. A. Yakubu, a family supporter, in the NLC government. Thus the murder of Ya Na Yakubu Andani II in March 2002 took place during a time when the NPP government, successor to Prime Minister K. A. Busias party which succeeded the NLC, was in power was seen as significant. It succeeded in evoking memories of the killings in the Gbewaa palace in 1969. Zamfara state of the early Hausa kingdom. Drum history9, however, traces the origin of the Dagbon kingdom to ancient Mali whose king had been so impressed with the exploits of Toha-zhie, a wandering hunter, that he recruited him into his service. Toha-Zhie eventually married one of the daughters of the King of Mali called Paga-wobga, who bore him a son Kpagunimbu. Kpagunimbu is credited In trying to capture the role of culture in conflict especially in the Ghanaian context, it becomes imperative to trace the root cause of the conflict, taking a cue from the cultural dimension and gradually interpreting it in the resolution process. The idea is that, conflict no matter the ferocity, scholarship must seek to stop it occurrence owing to it unenviable consequence on the larger populace. Thus there are two principal lines being the prime movers behind the culture-led conflicts among the northern hemisphere of Ghana. The first of such, which has been partially discussed on the geographical notations in starting this conflict, is without doubt actions of earliest colonial governments. Many ethnic groups in Northern Ghana hitherto the introduction of indirect rule in Ghana in 1932 peacefully co-existed. The indirect rule system of administration introduced in 1932 by the colonial governors (Britain) vested political and administrative powers in the hands of some selected chiefs who had better organized systems of traditional administration (the chiefly people, i.e. Dagomba, Nanumba, Gonja etc.). For instance, the Ya-Na of East-Dagbon was given traditional cum administrative authority over the Konkomba and Chokosi who is quite culturally different ethnic from the Dagomba. The north-eastern Province (present day Upper East) was constituted into the Mamprugu Kingdom with f ive sub-divisions as Mamprugu, Kusasi, Frafra, Gurensi and Builsa all under the Lordship of the Nayiri as the paramount chief of Mamprusi. Similarly, the Nawuri, Nchumuru, Mo and Vagala were put under the Yagbonwurura of Gonja kingdom. This administrative initiative was implemented by Chief Commissioner Armitage. This was done for political and administrative expediency because the colonial administration at the time did not have sufficient logistics and personnel to govern the entire colony, especially the protected territories in Northern Ghana. Subsequently, there was the introduction of local police called â€Å"Nana Kana†, who constituted tribunals and for the collection of taxes and tried general cases except criminal ones. This enhanced the loyalty of the stateless ethnic groups to the paramount chiefs. The creation of the National Territorial Council (NTC) in 1938 for chiefs further increased the administrative authority of these chiefs. According to colonial writers such as Blair, Rattray, Tait, Cardinalland Manoukian, although the colonial administration imposed chiefs for administrative purposes, the acephalous people never accepted them, thus, they were never ‘ruled by the chiefly peoples, but were only raided periodically. The chiefly groups extorted monies from the stateless groups as fines, especially through the chiefly court system. The implication of these developments are that, with time emotional sentiments and passions are brought to bear with general official arrangements which gradually leads one side to call for changes. If the call is not heeded by the authorities involved, one side feels cheated and with the lapse of time lead to ethnic based but largely culture oriented conflict. According to Tait, Dagomba ‘rule was limited to sporadic raids to obtain slaves needed for the annual tribute to the Ashanti. From time to time, local tax collectors were sent to Konkomba territory to collect foodstuff such as millet, sorghum, yam, and maize, which was sold in the markets to raise money for the local chief. In 1950, some Konkombas were stopped by Dagombas on their way to Yendi market and their head-loads of new yam taken (which was valued at  £18), and in the same year when the Ya Na was fined in the District Commissioners court, two lorry loads of sorghum were collected in Saboba region alone on the grounds that, ‘The European says that it has got to be paid. Also according to Skalnik (1983 in Katanga,1994, pp21), Konkomba marriage disputes accounted for a large source of income for the court of the Bimbilla-Naa. Thus it became very rare for a Konkomba to appeal to the District Commissioner on cases of injustices, though instances of this sort of extor tion were frequent. Similarly, the lay magistrate often without really solving the dispute to any sides satisfaction took bribes from both parties. The cumulative effect of this was total allegiance of these non-chiefly tribes to the chiefly groups. The Konkombas for instance were compelled to give some days as free labor annually in the farms of Nanumba/Dagombas chiefs and the compulsory donation of a hind leg of any big animal killed wild or domesticated to Nanumba chiefs. Probably the most unfair of these injustices was that, Konkombas were not allowed to settle even petty quarrels among themselves including matrimonial ones, even as late as the 20th century. These conditions compelled Konkombas to request for their own tribunal under Ali, an ex-soldier, domiciled in Bimbilla, to settle petty disputes particularly marriage cases. This proposal was vehemently rejected and attempts were made to eject Ali from Bimbilla, culminating into a heated atmosphere (Brukum, 1999:11-12). Another crucial notation is post colonial government arrangements both internal and external in Ghanas northern region. Several uncharacteristic and unscrupulous actions of post-colonial governments saw a further deterioration in the social friction between the chiefly and non-chiefly ethnic groups which were largely operated by land administration policies. All lands in Northern Ghana were protected and were under the custody ownership of the Tendaanas (Earth-shrine Priest) and not chiefs. The chief (Na or Ubor) in the north wielded only political power. The Tendaana was the highest office held by the autochthonous tribes, and consisted legitimate ownership of the land which even extended over chiefs. The Na/Ubor never dared to arrogate to himself, the duties of the Tendaana. Infact, the Na/Ubor humbled himself before him and appeared disguised as poor when occasions arose for him to visit the Tendaana. This is because the Tendaana not only owned the land, but he is the only person known to the spirit of the land. Hence it was the Tendaana that had the right to give out lands. It was believed that, the Chief did not grant farming lands to individuals. He is considered not to have any right over farms. Tindaamba (another name for Tendaana) still have power over chiefs and are feared. During this era, land was not a scarce resource and according to Goody under such conditions neither individuals nor kin groups bother to lay specific claims to large tracts of territory, since land is virtually a free good (Katanga, 1994:21). Land ownership in northern Ghana came under the custody of chiefs in 1978 during the Acheampong regime when a law was passed vesting all northern lands into the hands of selected ethnic groups chiefs (notice the connection of the emergence of the intra-ethnic conflict between the Abudu and Andani Gates which will take several years to assume full scale) and left out most other groups. The criteria for vesting the lands in the hands of these few chiefs were based on the recommendations of Alhassan Report of 1978, which were backed by the Minister for Lands and Mineral Resources, both Dagombas (another watchful area, dealing with cultures involvement in conflict). Indeed the Alhassan Committees Report twisted the truth about the land tenure arrangements in Northern Ghana in favor of the chiefs and his tribesmen and the other chiefly people. These reforms in Northern Ghana Land administration were implemented by the then Government to solicit for political support from the Northern Chie fs for the UNIGOV System (Unity Government). With the failure of the Acheampong government however, these legislations were abrogated as the reins of government was overtaken by another military regime. The ceasure of the reins of government and the subsequent decree rule reversed this trend of land principles laid down by the previous administration and has ever since been the bane of confrontation between brothers in the different sides of the same group as is the case of the Dagbon conflict. The Konkomba Youth Association (KOYA) contested the Alhassan Report and has repeatedly pointed out that, the report has been the root cause of the three major ethnic conflicts and twenty minor ones between the chiefdoms. The jejune with these quack legislations is that they turn to outlive their significance with the transition of government, something that is purely not in the interest of the rural Ghanaian. There is no one-size-fits-all approach to conflict resolution, since culture is always a factor. Cultural fluency is therefore a core competency for those who intervene in conflicts or simply want to function more effectively in their own lives and situations. Cultural fluency involves recognizing and acting respectfully from the knowledge that communication, ways of naming, framing, and taming conflict, approaches to meaning-making, and identities and roles vary across cultures. In retrospect, culture as a key factor in conflict generation and orientation it that of a silent creeper. The kind that is in no way given premise by conflict analysts as being the prime cause in conflict situations. In the other words, the largel The Role of Culture in Conflict Resolution The Role of Culture in Conflict Resolution CASE OF DAGBON IN GHANA The inter-relativity and connectivity of human endeavor has made conflict something unavoidable as it has come to eventually be part of the normal routine of human social interaction. Ethnic conflicts and civil wars continue to plague many African countries especially in the last two decades. There are growing concerns about the impacts of these conflicts on sub-regional and regional stability as well as security, with adverse implications on economic growth, environment and development. The impacts of these conflicts have been severest on the vulnerable groups such as the aged, women and children reversing many development efforts in conflict zones (John Kusimi; Julius Fobil; Raymond Atuguba; Isabella Erawoc; Franklin Oduro Abstract: Conflicts in Northern Ghana a Mirror of Answers to Sub-Regional Stability and Security Questions). Conflict has both a colloquial meaning and a discouragingly long list of specific definitions. The list includes four rather different usages if the term: (1) antecedent conditions to some overt struggle (2) affective states (tension or hostility) (3) cognitive states (for example the perception that some other person or entity acts against ones interest and (4) conflictful behavior, verbal or non verbal ranging from passive resistance to active aggression. According to Wiktionary, conflict is an incompatibility of two things that cannot be simultaneously fulfilled. In simple terms conflict denotes a situation when two or more organizations or persons are in a contradiction between them.. Conflict is more expansive than normally perceived. The conflict is a contradiction, a war, maybe a competition exist but the real conflict condition is more greatest way to express violence, and where this take place and violence take effect, it generate more and more conflicts. Culture (from the Latin cultura stemming from colere, meaning â€Å"to cultivate†) is a term that has different meanings. For example, in 1952, Alfred Kroeber and Clyde Kluckhohn compiled a list of 164 definitions of â€Å"culture† in Culture: a Critical Review of Concepts and Definitions. However, the word â€Å"culture† is most commonly used in three basic senses: Excellence of taste in the fine arts and humanities, also known as high culture An integrated pattern of human knowledge, belief, and behavior that depends upon the capacity for symbolic thought and social learning The set of shared attitudes, values, goals, and practices that characterizes an institution, organization or group (Harper, Douglas (2001). Online Etymology Dictionary and Kroeber, A. L. and C. Kluckhohn, (1952). Culture: A Critical Review of Concepts and Definitions) When the concept first emerged in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Europe, it connoted a process of cultivation or improvement, as in agriculture or horticulture. In the nineteenth century, it came to refer first to the betterment or refinement of the individual, especially through education, and then to the fulfillment of national aspirations or ideals. In the mid-nineteenth century, some scientists used the term â€Å"culture† to refer to a universal human capacity (C. Kluckhohn, (1952). Culture: A Critical Review of Concepts and Definitions) Although largely ignored as being a key element in the generation of conflicts, culture is an essential part of conflict and conflict resolution (LeBaron, Michelle Conflict and Culture: Research in Five Communities in British Columbia, Canada). Culture, mostly acting within the parameters of a toothless bulldog, it permeate all spheres of the normal daily occurrences and it does so in the least expected ways. It serves as collating avenue which sends us messages that shape our perceptions, attributions, judgments, and ideas of self and other. Cultures are powerful, they are often unconscious, influencing conflict and attempts to resolve conflict in imperceptible ways. For the single individual, cultures are a shifting, dynamic set of starting points that orient us in particular way and away from other directions. Each of us belongs to multiple cultures that give us messages about what is normal, appropriate, and expected. When others do not meet our expectations, it is often a cue that our cultural expectations are different and thought or projected as un-respected. We may mistake differences between others and us for evidence of bad faith or lack of common sense on the part of others, not realizing that common sense is not cultural. What is common to one group may seem strange, counter intuitive, or wrong to another. In the dividing circles of two groups, culture projects a huge sense of uniqueness; something most individuals would prefer to die for than to witness it degraded by the opposing group. Whether a conflict exists at all is a cultural question, and by way of mutual illustration and interconnection between culture and conflict; cultures are embedded in almost every conflict because conflicts arise in human relationships. Cultures affect the ways we name, frame, blame, and attempt to tame conflicts. On the contrary, when any of the above is diverted by one cultural group vis-à  -vis the other, conflicts are the emerging consequences. Most people especially in Africa and other parts of the globe take pride in engaging in activities with a cultural sense than advancing the course of the general good. Conflicts between teenagers and parents are shaped by generational culture, and conflicts between spouses or partners are influenced by gender culture. In organizations, conflicts arising from different disciplinary cultures escalate tensions between co-workers, creating strained or inaccurate communication and stressed relationships. Culture permeates conflict no matter wha t, sometimes pushing forth with intensity, other times quietly snaking along, hardly announcing its presence until surprised people nearly stumble on it. For this reason, this essay seeks to reconcile the role of culture in the Dagbon conflict in Northern Ghana and how these same two connections of conflicts are again intertwined for the purposes of conflict and conflict resolution. The challenge is that, given cultures important role in conflicts, it is given little thought and consideration as it mostly labeled in the unconscious circle of human behavior vis-à  -vis conflicts and some approaches cultural resolution to the management and resolution of the conflict compound this problem because they minimize cultural role and influences in the tensed situation. We will consider the Dagbon conflict in and try to fit it within this frame of neglect. This is because the Dagbon conflict although largely considered ethnic has a huge cultural dimension which goes largely unattended to. Culture is always a factor in conflict, whether it plays a central role or influences it subtly and gently. Geographically and historically, Ghana lies between latitudes 50 and 110N and longitudes 10 and 30E with a landmass of 23.9million hectares. Ghanas estimated total population is 19.5 million (GSS, 2002:1), comprising a vast mosaic of several ethnic groups speaking over hundred local languages. Northern Ghana on which this paper focuses is co-terminus with a vast acreage of land that spans the White Volta, Black Volta and Oti River Basins. The area is divided into three political/ administrative regions comprising the Upper West (18,476km2) and the Upper East(8,842km2) regions bordering Burkina Faso in the extreme northern limits of Ghana and the Northern Region (70,384km2) to the south of Upper East and Upper West. Populations in these areas witness deep poverty levels and low literacy rates, with low school enrolment rate and inadequate health care services. Over 90 percent of the population in this area is engaged in subsistence agriculture and animal rearing (GSS, (2002). Populati on and Housing Census 2000: Summary of Final Results). Therefore, land ownership determines to a large extent, the nature of social and power relations among the ethnic groups inhabiting these three regions and has also been a major source of conflicts among them. The three regions harbor inconceivable heterogeneous groups of people speaking over 30 local dialects. The hidden truth is that, most of these heterogeneous groups have historical connections dating back to the sixteenth century. The sociocultural organization of most of these peoples of the northern belt is patrilineal with a strong tradition of centralized administration under the lordship of a powerful king such as the Mossi-Dagbani Kingdoms. In recent national political discussions, the Mossi-Dagbani groups are referred to as the ‘major tribes in Northern Ghana. However, there are also stateless or acephalous groups such as the Konkomba and the Tallensi. Therefore politically and administratively, there are a lot of historical and present day commonalities. This is what causes and infact possesses the bane of shock when it comes to the issue of conflicts and the most effective tools in dealing or handling them. The past 25years have witnessed a number of destructive ethnic conflicts in Northern Ghana. The very explosive ones are those of 1980 (Konkombas against Nanumbas) and the Guinea Fowl War of 1994 (between the Konkombas on one hand and Nanumbas, Dagombas and Gonjas on the other hand) (Brukum J. N. K, The Pito, Mango and Guinea Fowl Wars: Episodes in the History of Northern Ghana, 1980-1999). In 1980/86 and 2000, Mamprusis and Kusasis went to war in Bawku. Dagombas also fought among themselves; these and more are the most recent (and of which this essay critical look) of these intra-Dagbon clashes were those between the Andani and the Abudu Gates in Yendi, in 2002 (Brukum J. N. K, The Pito, Mango and Guinea Fowl Wars: Episodes in the History of Northern Ghana, 1980-1999). There has been much similar communal violence among the Gonjas and other ethnic groups in the Northern Region of Ghana. A critical assessment of the causes of most of these conflicts can be traced to colonial and post-colonial actions of governments. This certainly is no news as the impedes of colonialism is still being felt in Africa today. Certain actions and in-actions of governments have led to the marginalization, deprivation, exploitation and the exclusion of the ‘minority groups in many decision-making processes and governance issues that affect them. This has led to dissatisfaction among the ‘minority, hence any little dispute between the ‘majority and ‘minority explodes into ethnic conflict. With these analysis deduced, let us now try to envisage how the presence of culture among the people in the northern hemisphere of Ghana is contributing to conflicts among the people using the silent pistol. Culture, as already noted, forms the core around which most individuals normalize their relations with others but this relationship does take a different dimension when one gets the slightest hint of foul play in the unique identification of the other individual. This however differs from ethnocentrism, where people openly act and portray the supposedly uniqueness of their traditional origin and heritage over that of others and to some extent cause others to follow their fray. It is important to state unequivocally that culture has a canny way of taking on the characteristics of ethnocentrism but however does with a gradual pace. Due to the heritagecal and ancestral dimension of culture, conflicts resulting from culture and cultural practices do occur undetected for a very long time. Conflict of this nature sometimes begin from a mere proclaim which is interpreted to downgrade or cast the other sides image into disrepute. At times it start with a poorly resolved dispute (in our case the Andani and the Abudu Gates in Yendi) which forces the youths of the opposing party to rise up in arms against their foes after several years of the poorly settled dispute, which obviously one party wasnt satisfied with. When this happens, all possible gates of negotiations are closed due to the lengthy or at times the generational nature it usually takes to emerge in full scale. Recent political events and expression also mean the relaxation in conflict in one side and subsequent uprising in other with political transitions. In other words, the envisioned premise is ignoring the cultural dimension of conflicts by most Ghanaian governments with the impression that Ghana is the most peaceful nation on earth. Similarly, the lay magistrate often without really solving the dispute to any sides satisfaction ended up taking sides. Culture, with the trait of a silent killer largely goes undetected due the stable political climate Ghana is reputed for but the critical thing that most conflict analysts fail to take into consideration is that conflicts of this nature are intra-tribal rather than taking on the general good or in the form of civil wars, which has stalled the core of most African countrys government setup and social development. In exact terms, a cursory look at all historical conflict on the African region reveals tremendous ethnic and religious inclinations, albeit many of them also have subtle causal relationship with land and resource use, which could be a core of protest of one group against the other. The concept of nationhood/statehood is misplaced in many African nation state building contexts. Nations on the African continent, unconsciously motivated by the great diversity of ethnic groups, continue to trivialize national homogeneity and ethnic unification thus allowing for powerful disaggregated ethnic formations. The inevitable tendency of this phenomenon is that, many national policies by governments tend to be ethnocentric and is some unconscious instances cultural, which create suspicion, rivalry, discontent, mistrust and enmity among different ethnic groups or even within the same group of people as is the case in northern Ghana, resulting in ethnic conflicts and civil wars in extreme cases. In the case under discussion, most analysts in conflict prevention turn to focus solely on the tribal or ethnic sentiments forgetting that there cultural influences even on professional judgments vis-à  -vis the heated situation and culture prevent people from giving accurate feedback. Causes of conflict in northern Ghana. The Dagbon chieftaincy dispute is a good example of the passions that chieftaincy issues can inflame in Ghana, and of the extent to which these matters have become politicised. In the Dagbon case, a traditional matter has become the main subject of local politics as well as an issue of national politics. The Dagomba people or Dagbamba as they call themselves, constitute the single largest ethnic group in Northern Ghana. They speak the Dagbani language, a subgroup of the Mole-Dagbani family of languages, which belongs to the much larger Gur with starting the Dagbon migrations from Mali to what is now the Upper East Region of Ghana. Here he married Sihisabigu, the daughter of a Tindana in a place known as Bion, and eventually replaced the Tindana after assassinating him. Kpagunimbu and Sihisabigu had twin sons called Nyamzisheli and Nyarigili, who are believed to be the ancestors of the Talinsi and Nabdam ethnic groups of the Upper East Region. Following his exploits as a warrior, the King of Grumah, Abudu Rahamani married off his daughter, Suhuyini, to Kpagunimbu. Suhuyini gave birth to Gbewaa, two of whose sons Tohugu and Sitobu founded the Mamprugu and Dagbon kingdoms respectively. Sitobus son, Nyagsi, who reigned between 1416 and 1432, expanded the Dagbon kingdom through wars against aboriginal peoples throughout what is now present-day Dagbon. Thus the Dagbamba came to the area they now occupy as conquerors and established the traditional state of Dagbon, bringing with them the institution of chieftaincy, which had not been found among the original inhabitants. The Dagbon capital is Yendi where the King, whose title is Ya Na, resides. The Dagbamba are strongly attached to the institution of chieftaincy, which partly accounts for the intensity with which conflicts over chieftaincy are carried out. Conflicts tend to revolve around questions of succession, since the rules for succession tend to be rather flexible and allow for a number of candidates. Part of the current dispute (known variously as the Dagbon conflict or the Yendi chieftaincy affairs) hinges on whether or not it is a rule of tradition that succession to the throne should alternate between two rival sections of the royal family. These two sections originated in the late nineteenth century, following the death of Ya Na Yakubu who was succeeded first by his son Abudulai and then by another son Andani. Since the death of Andani in 1899, there has been in some measure an alternation between descendants of the two brothers, and the extent to which this rotation constitutes another rule for determining the succession remains unsettled. In addition to the question of rotation between the two families, there is also disagreement over who has the right to select a successor, and over which particular act in the installation ceremony makes one a Ya Na. Formally, the selection of a successor rested in the hands of four kingmakers. In 1948, the membership of the kingmakers was expanded to eleven with the addition of seven divisional chiefs to form a selection committee. The legitimacy of the Committee, which probably represented a final attempt by the British to codify the rules and procedures of succession to the Yendi skin, has been in dispute. In the 1940s, the educated elite of Dagbon most of whom were from its royal families played a major role in the setting up of the controversial selection committee. The institution of the selection committee coincided with the era of active pre-independence politics, and the pioneer-educated elite was poised to exploit the situation. Having a king who was more amenable to their political ambitions was of vital importance to them. By 1954, there were complaints that the committee system was adopted to protect the interest of the Abudulai family and ultimately eliminate the Andani family from the contest (Sibidow, 1970). One major source of conflict in modern times is the tradition that â€Å"you do not destool a Ya Na†. In former times, a Ya Na who proved unacceptable was simply killed. As this is no longer a practical alternative, once installed a Ya Na cannot be destooled even if he is found to have violated customs. Thus Dagbon custom as a whole is ambiguous on this point if not outright contradictory (Ladouceur, 1972). Such an implicit ambiguity facilitates the intervention of an outside power to settle outstanding disagreements as to the correct interpretation of tradition. It also serves not only to foment disputes but also to sustain them. Another source of the Dagbon conflict is intergenerational in nature. Intergenerational conflict arises because of the exclusion from succession of the senior sons of a king by his junior brothers. Conversely, the junior brothers in the older generation could find themselves excluded by the sons of their senior brother. According to Ferguson et al. (1970), the critical nature of exclusion is apparent. By virtue of the Dagbon rule that no son may assume a higher rank in society than his father, a candidates failure to attain office carries with it the implication that none of his descendants may ever aspire to it. Intergenerational conflict appears then to be a structural feature for succession to higher office in Dagbon. There is, however, probably a contingent association between such conflicts and the polarization between rival factions that is also a characteristic feature of the conflict. The candidates from the senior generation may tend to attract the support of the more conser vative factions and those from the junior generation, that of the more radical. The Dagbon conflict gradually spilled over into the national political arena over the years as each side mustered what forces it could with politicians taking an increasing interest in this and other chieftaincy disputes. Each side in the Dagbon dispute has articulate well-educated spokesmen and, since 1954, prominent national political figures as well. It was largely through their activities that the dispute became a political issue shortly after independence. On the Abudu side was Alhaji Yakubu Tali, Tolon Na, while the Andani side had J.H. Alhassan. Both men had become prominent figures in both Dagbon affairs and in the emerging modern political system in the early 1950s. Both were elected to the Gold Coast Legislative Assembly in 1951 and to Parliament in 1954, the former on the opposition regional NPP ticket and the latter to the governing CPP.11 If politicians can make use of their power base in the modern political system to interfere in traditional affairs, some traditional rulers are also quite capable of seizing opportunities presented by national politics to consolidate their own positions. Ya Na Abudulai III, sensing that he might be destooled, withdrew his support for the opposition and together with his followers, including Alhaji Yakubu Tali, joined the then ruling party, the CPP, en bloc in 1958. Political interference in the Dagbon conflict continued with changes in government. The overthrow of the Kwame Nkrumah government in 1966 marked radical changes in official ideology and priorities. In general terms, the policy of the National Liberation Council (NLC), the military regime, in traditional matters was to restore chieftaincy to its former position and reduce government interference. However, chieftaincy affairs took on an added importance in post-coup Ghana and government interference increased instead of dimi nishing. In the case of the Yendi dispute, government interference was taken to new heights when in September 1969, the selection and enskinment of Ya Na Andani III was declared null and void by the NLC government. It was felt that a factor in this decision that had objectively benefited the Abudulai family was the presence of B. A. Yakubu, a family supporter, in the NLC government. Thus the murder of Ya Na Yakubu Andani II in March 2002 took place during a time when the NPP government, successor to Prime Minister K. A. Busias party which succeeded the NLC, was in power was seen as significant. It succeeded in evoking memories of the killings in the Gbewaa palace in 1969. Zamfara state of the early Hausa kingdom. Drum history9, however, traces the origin of the Dagbon kingdom to ancient Mali whose king had been so impressed with the exploits of Toha-zhie, a wandering hunter, that he recruited him into his service. Toha-Zhie eventually married one of the daughters of the King of Mali called Paga-wobga, who bore him a son Kpagunimbu. Kpagunimbu is credited In trying to capture the role of culture in conflict especially in the Ghanaian context, it becomes imperative to trace the root cause of the conflict, taking a cue from the cultural dimension and gradually interpreting it in the resolution process. The idea is that, conflict no matter the ferocity, scholarship must seek to stop it occurrence owing to it unenviable consequence on the larger populace. Thus there are two principal lines being the prime movers behind the culture-led conflicts among the northern hemisphere of Ghana. The first of such, which has been partially discussed on the geographical notations in starting this conflict, is without doubt actions of earliest colonial governments. Many ethnic groups in Northern Ghana hitherto the introduction of indirect rule in Ghana in 1932 peacefully co-existed. The indirect rule system of administration introduced in 1932 by the colonial governors (Britain) vested political and administrative powers in the hands of some selected chiefs who had better organized systems of traditional administration (the chiefly people, i.e. Dagomba, Nanumba, Gonja etc.). For instance, the Ya-Na of East-Dagbon was given traditional cum administrative authority over the Konkomba and Chokosi who is quite culturally different ethnic from the Dagomba. The north-eastern Province (present day Upper East) was constituted into the Mamprugu Kingdom with f ive sub-divisions as Mamprugu, Kusasi, Frafra, Gurensi and Builsa all under the Lordship of the Nayiri as the paramount chief of Mamprusi. Similarly, the Nawuri, Nchumuru, Mo and Vagala were put under the Yagbonwurura of Gonja kingdom. This administrative initiative was implemented by Chief Commissioner Armitage. This was done for political and administrative expediency because the colonial administration at the time did not have sufficient logistics and personnel to govern the entire colony, especially the protected territories in Northern Ghana. Subsequently, there was the introduction of local police called â€Å"Nana Kana†, who constituted tribunals and for the collection of taxes and tried general cases except criminal ones. This enhanced the loyalty of the stateless ethnic groups to the paramount chiefs. The creation of the National Territorial Council (NTC) in 1938 for chiefs further increased the administrative authority of these chiefs. According to colonial writers such as Blair, Rattray, Tait, Cardinalland Manoukian, although the colonial administration imposed chiefs for administrative purposes, the acephalous people never accepted them, thus, they were never ‘ruled by the chiefly peoples, but were only raided periodically. The chiefly groups extorted monies from the stateless groups as fines, especially through the chiefly court system. The implication of these developments are that, with time emotional sentiments and passions are brought to bear with general official arrangements which gradually leads one side to call for changes. If the call is not heeded by the authorities involved, one side feels cheated and with the lapse of time lead to ethnic based but largely culture oriented conflict. According to Tait, Dagomba ‘rule was limited to sporadic raids to obtain slaves needed for the annual tribute to the Ashanti. From time to time, local tax collectors were sent to Konkomba territory to collect foodstuff such as millet, sorghum, yam, and maize, which was sold in the markets to raise money for the local chief. In 1950, some Konkombas were stopped by Dagombas on their way to Yendi market and their head-loads of new yam taken (which was valued at  £18), and in the same year when the Ya Na was fined in the District Commissioners court, two lorry loads of sorghum were collected in Saboba region alone on the grounds that, ‘The European says that it has got to be paid. Also according to Skalnik (1983 in Katanga,1994, pp21), Konkomba marriage disputes accounted for a large source of income for the court of the Bimbilla-Naa. Thus it became very rare for a Konkomba to appeal to the District Commissioner on cases of injustices, though instances of this sort of extor tion were frequent. Similarly, the lay magistrate often without really solving the dispute to any sides satisfaction took bribes from both parties. The cumulative effect of this was total allegiance of these non-chiefly tribes to the chiefly groups. The Konkombas for instance were compelled to give some days as free labor annually in the farms of Nanumba/Dagombas chiefs and the compulsory donation of a hind leg of any big animal killed wild or domesticated to Nanumba chiefs. Probably the most unfair of these injustices was that, Konkombas were not allowed to settle even petty quarrels among themselves including matrimonial ones, even as late as the 20th century. These conditions compelled Konkombas to request for their own tribunal under Ali, an ex-soldier, domiciled in Bimbilla, to settle petty disputes particularly marriage cases. This proposal was vehemently rejected and attempts were made to eject Ali from Bimbilla, culminating into a heated atmosphere (Brukum, 1999:11-12). Another crucial notation is post colonial government arrangements both internal and external in Ghanas northern region. Several uncharacteristic and unscrupulous actions of post-colonial governments saw a further deterioration in the social friction between the chiefly and non-chiefly ethnic groups which were largely operated by land administration policies. All lands in Northern Ghana were protected and were under the custody ownership of the Tendaanas (Earth-shrine Priest) and not chiefs. The chief (Na or Ubor) in the north wielded only political power. The Tendaana was the highest office held by the autochthonous tribes, and consisted legitimate ownership of the land which even extended over chiefs. The Na/Ubor never dared to arrogate to himself, the duties of the Tendaana. Infact, the Na/Ubor humbled himself before him and appeared disguised as poor when occasions arose for him to visit the Tendaana. This is because the Tendaana not only owned the land, but he is the only person known to the spirit of the land. Hence it was the Tendaana that had the right to give out lands. It was believed that, the Chief did not grant farming lands to individuals. He is considered not to have any right over farms. Tindaamba (another name for Tendaana) still have power over chiefs and are feared. During this era, land was not a scarce resource and according to Goody under such conditions neither individuals nor kin groups bother to lay specific claims to large tracts of territory, since land is virtually a free good (Katanga, 1994:21). Land ownership in northern Ghana came under the custody of chiefs in 1978 during the Acheampong regime when a law was passed vesting all northern lands into the hands of selected ethnic groups chiefs (notice the connection of the emergence of the intra-ethnic conflict between the Abudu and Andani Gates which will take several years to assume full scale) and left out most other groups. The criteria for vesting the lands in the hands of these few chiefs were based on the recommendations of Alhassan Report of 1978, which were backed by the Minister for Lands and Mineral Resources, both Dagombas (another watchful area, dealing with cultures involvement in conflict). Indeed the Alhassan Committees Report twisted the truth about the land tenure arrangements in Northern Ghana in favor of the chiefs and his tribesmen and the other chiefly people. These reforms in Northern Ghana Land administration were implemented by the then Government to solicit for political support from the Northern Chie fs for the UNIGOV System (Unity Government). With the failure of the Acheampong government however, these legislations were abrogated as the reins of government was overtaken by another military regime. The ceasure of the reins of government and the subsequent decree rule reversed this trend of land principles laid down by the previous administration and has ever since been the bane of confrontation between brothers in the different sides of the same group as is the case of the Dagbon conflict. The Konkomba Youth Association (KOYA) contested the Alhassan Report and has repeatedly pointed out that, the report has been the root cause of the three major ethnic conflicts and twenty minor ones between the chiefdoms. The jejune with these quack legislations is that they turn to outlive their significance with the transition of government, something that is purely not in the interest of the rural Ghanaian. There is no one-size-fits-all approach to conflict resolution, since culture is always a factor. Cultural fluency is therefore a core competency for those who intervene in conflicts or simply want to function more effectively in their own lives and situations. Cultural fluency involves recognizing and acting respectfully from the knowledge that communication, ways of naming, framing, and taming conflict, approaches to meaning-making, and identities and roles vary across cultures. In retrospect, culture as a key factor in conflict generation and orientation it that of a silent creeper. The kind that is in no way given premise by conflict analysts as being the prime cause in conflict situations. In the other words, the largel